- The extreme form: communism as organized spoliation
- Socialism: the moderate form of unfreedom
- The insidious form: confiscatory taxes and intrusive regulations
- Freedom, property, and equality: inseparable principles
The extreme form: communism as organized spoliation
Having examined the foundations of freedom in the facts of human existence, traced the historical evolution of liberty and constraint, and analysed the workings of the free economy, we must now turn to the systems of unfreedom. Why do they fail? And why must modern societies move decisively toward freedom-based solutions?
All systems of unfreedom share a common characteristic: they are profoundly backward-looking. Primitive communism, which organised the sharing of land and tools within small groups, was a response to the production and security circumstances of the earliest human societies. In its modern form, communism represents an attempt to return to that archaic condition, where the individual counted for nothing.
Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, in the first edition of his major work Le Collectivisme (1883), analysed these different socialist systems with the precision of a physician diagnosing a disease:
"The communist doctrines speak abundantly of the end of capitalist exploitation and of future abundance, but the actual functioning of this great administration that would own all the land, all the machines, and manage all the factories, all of this is very poorly explained. The theorists of communism have been generous with their vision of the destination and remarkably parsimonious with any account of the journey. This reticence is not accidental. It reflects a fundamental difficulty that the communist cannot resolve: the impossibility of calculating, directing, and coordinating production without the signals that the price mechanism provides and that communism, by abolishing private property, necessarily destroys."
Indeed, the extreme form of unfreedom manifests itself in the total subjugation of the individual and the destruction of his property. In the communist system, all property is regulated and controlled by others, constituting a form of collective slavery. The individual retains only those few properties of self that cannot be broken: his inviolable consciousness, his capacity to think freely in the privacy of his own mind, since unmanifested thought remains beyond the reach of any power. But every other freedom vanishes.
Leroy-Beaulieu's analysis proved prophetic. Decades before the Soviet experiment, he explained how communist systems would actually work in practice:
"Organised spoliation on a national scale: that is the only honest description of the system. Each man will be required to deliver the fruit of his labour to the central administration, which will then decide, according to criteria that it will define and that no one will be able to contest, what portion each shall receive in return. This is, in substance, slavery. The slave at least enjoyed the security of his master's self-interest; the citizen of the communist state enjoys no such guarantee."
In other words, communism does not merely impoverish its subjects materially; it destroys the very structure of individuality, replacing the self-directed person with an administrative unit to be processed by the collective machine.
Socialism: the moderate form of unfreedom
Socialism and interventionism represent a more moderate form of unfreedom. In these systems, private services are progressively replaced by public ones, and individuals are held in trusteeship by a large regulatory state. Unlike communism, which attempts to organise all production and consumption in a dirigiste manner, socialism operates, so to speak, as half-communism.
What socialism fundamentally shares with communism, however, is the replacement of contract, free choice, and individual autonomy by political direction. Voluntary, mutually beneficial exchanges give way to regulations and so-called public services. Political choice, necessarily collective and expressed through democratic elections, replaces individual choices that everyone can control directly.
Leroy-Beaulieu drew the parallel with characteristic sharpness:
"The socialist does not wish to go as far as the communist. He recoils from the logical conclusions of the premises he shares with him. He wishes to keep a little property here, a little market there, a little freedom in this corner, a little competition in that one. But the logic of his position carries him, step by step, toward the destination he professes to resist. He is the man who jumps from the tenth floor and congratulates himself, as he passes the fifth, on not having fallen as far as he feared."
In other words, socialism is not a stable equilibrium; it is an unstable slope. Its very moderation conceals its direction of travel.
Consider the difference Leroy-Beaulieu identified between private and political choice: in daily life, an individual observes his own reality, weighs alternatives, and freely modifies his course of action. In a democracy, the citizen must acquiesce to an overall programme among reduced options, with no real control over what happens next. If the central communist state decides that strawberries are not worth producing because apple orchards are more efficient, there will be no freedom to consume strawberries. Socialism operates on the same logic, merely in a diluted form.
The insidious form: confiscatory taxes and intrusive regulations
A still more discreet form of unfreedom persists in the guise of confiscatory taxes and intrusive regulations. We must distinguish carefully here. The taxes that finance justice and police, guaranteeing the security of persons and property, are legitimate contributions, akin to a collective purchase. But the taxes that operate a genuine confiscation, and the regulations that make choices on behalf of individuals and delimit the boundaries of contracts according to the ideas of those in power, represent a real tutelage.
Gustave de Molinari, with his customary verve, showed that in many of these regulations the owner is no longer truly the owner:
"The man who believes himself to be the proprietor of his house discovers, when he attempts to exercise his ownership, that he is merely its usufructuary. He may live in it, subject to the payment of his taxes. He may paint it, subject to the approval of the local authority. He may sell it, subject to the deduction of a succession of duties. He may leave it to his children, subject to a progressive inheritance tax. At each step he finds that a prior claim has been registered, that an invisible co-owner accompanies him everywhere, that the state is the senior partner in every enterprise and the silent beneficiary of every asset. This silent partner, unlike every other partner, contributes nothing and consents to nothing: he merely collects."
In other words, what presents itself as regulation is often, in substance, a form of part-ownership. The regulatory state is not merely a referee; it is a participant, extracting rents from every transaction it supervises.
Indeed, freedom cannot be dissociated from property or from equality, for these notions are deeply intertwined. Frédéric Bastiat stated the matter plainly: freedom is property. To be free means to make whatever use one wishes of one's property, of oneself, and of the things one legitimately possesses. The person whose property is truly respected is truly free, since he can dispose of himself, his forces and faculties for work, of what he owns for commerce, and of his intellectual faculties for free thought and expression.
Freedom, property, and equality: inseparable principles
Systems of unfreedom are characterised precisely by inequality: some individuals freely enjoy their property, while others are dispossessed and have their choices dictated by others. When freedom exists only for some, we are in a system of unfreedom, whatever its particular form.
Yves Guyot (1843-1928), journalist, politician, and one of the most combative French liberals of his generation, fought all these battles at the turn of the century. On the question of women's emancipation, he wrote:
"A system that excludes half the human race from the enjoyment of its own faculties is not a system of freedom but of privilege, and privilege is the negation of freedom. There is no middle way: either the faculties of every individual belong to that individual, or they belong to the collectivity. The liberal cannot accept the latter; he must therefore accept the former, without exception, without reservation, and without the hypocritical indulgence that permits a man to proclaim liberty for himself while denying it to his wife."
He combated racism and anti-Semitism with equal directness:
"If Jews wished to form their own communities, practise their trades, or profess their ideas, this was simply individual liberty in action, protected by freedom of religion, expression, and association. To restrict these activities is not to defend the nation; it is to violate the rights that the nation was constituted to protect. The liberal cannot be selective about whose liberty he defends without ceasing to be a liberal."
In other words, the universalism of liberal principles admits no exception. Freedom of work, exchange, and contract must apply to all without distinction; anything less is not an imperfect liberalism but its contradiction.
Quiz
Quiz1/5
phi2034.6
According to the analysis of confiscatory taxes and intrusive regulations, what distinguishes legitimate taxation from forms of non-freedom?