- Self-interest: broader than egoism
- Innovation and progress: the fruit of self-interest
- The state does not innovate
- The remuneration of progress in free societies
Self-interest: broader than egoism
Economic liberalism rests on a concept of self-interest that is often misunderstood and caricatured. What is this concept, properly understood? It is not the ruthless selfishness of popular imagination, but something far richer and more realistic: the full complex of human motivations, organized around the individual as the unit of experience and judgement.
Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859), the Norman aristocrat turned democratic theorist whose two-volume De la démocratie en Amérique (1835-1840) remains the most penetrating analysis of American society ever written by a European, observed with characteristic nuance that Americans had elevated self-interest to something like a civic doctrine:
"The Americans enjoy explaining almost every act of their lives by the principle of self-interest rightly understood. It gives them pleasure to point out how an enlightened regard for themselves constantly prompts them to assist one another and inclines them willingly to sacrifice a portion of their time and property to the welfare of the state. I think that in this they frequently fail to do themselves justice; for in the United States as well as elsewhere people are sometimes seen to give way to those disinterested and spontaneous impulses that are natural to man; but the Americans seldom admit that they yield to emotions of this kind; they are more anxious to do honour to their philosophy than to themselves."
In other words, Americans were practicing a self-interest broad enough to include social cooperation, civic engagement, and long-term prudence, while theorizing it in the modest vocabulary of personal advantage. This is not hypocrisy; it is realism about human motivation.
Indeed, human beings are capable of a broad self-regard that begins with the family, then extends to a circle of acquaintances, a small enterprise, an association. To speak of individuals entrenched in a narrow selfishness does not correspond to the facts we observe daily. Self-interest is rooted in human existence through the series of pleasures and sufferings that each person feels and measures according to individual perception, personal constitution, and genetic inheritance. The human person remains the sole judge of means and ends, which is the foundation of all action.
Innovation and progress: the fruit of self-interest
Self-interest is a propulsive force. It drives the improvement of processes and the quest for progress. To enrich oneself and bring satisfaction to oneself and to others, one must act in a useful way, which naturally leads to innovation.
Yves Guyot (1843-1928), journalist, economist, and later Minister of Public Works under the Third Republic, was one of the most combative and prolific defenders of liberalism in his generation. His first book, L'Inventeur (1867), dedicated to the figure of the inventor as the engine of social progress, opened with a passage that cuts to the heart of the liberal theory of innovation:
"The inventor is not a disinterested sage, labouring for posterity out of pure love of knowledge. He is a man who has seen a problem and believes he can solve it; who has glimpsed an opportunity and wishes to seize it; who desires recognition, comfort, perhaps glory. These are perfectly ordinary human desires. And it is precisely because they are ordinary that they are reliable. The inventor works because he hopes to benefit from his invention. Remove that hope, and you remove the invention."
In other words, the motive force of innovation is self-interest in its broadest sense: the desire for profit, for recognition, for a better future. This is not a defect in human nature to be corrected; it is the engine of progress to be harnessed.
Indeed, innovation and progress are the response to humanity's changing circumstances: new challenges constantly require new solutions. Each improvement modifies the economic environment in which man lives, demanding new combinations, new methods, new ventures. Societies cannot be fixed; they must constantly innovate. Guyot recognized this with great clarity:
"Society as a whole observes that circumstances are changing, that production conditions are evolving, and that by responding to them in an enlightened manner, additional wealth becomes accessible. This recognition that improvements are possible aligns with the great idea of human perfectibility: the conviction that the golden age lies not in the past but in the future."
The state does not innovate
But does the state innovate? Not at all. And this fact is of considerable importance for the whole question of economic policy.
Ancient societies such as Egypt, where professions were handed down from father to son, illustrate the phenomenon of fixed societies. The state reproduces this non-innovation by its very nature as a bureaucracy. It relies on the activities of civil servants who have no personal initiative and no remuneration proportionate to their innovation. Everything is laid down in regulations; there is neither the will nor the interest to innovate, and the system itself is not designed for innovation.
Paul Leroy-Beaulieu anticipated in 1883, with extraordinary precision, exactly how communist experiments would actually function in practice:
"The collectivist state cannot reward innovation, because it has abolished the mechanism by which innovation is rewarded: the profit that accrues to whoever first brings a new product or a new method to market. It cannot punish the failure to innovate, because it has abolished the mechanism by which such failure is punished: the loss that overtakes whoever persists in inferior methods when better ones are available. It is therefore condemned, not by the wickedness of its administrators, but by the logic of its own organisation, to reproduce yesterday's mistakes indefinitely."
In other words, the state system is structurally incapable of innovation, not because state employees are less intelligent than private entrepreneurs, but because the incentive structure that makes innovation rational is entirely absent. National education illustrates this perfectly: it is not designed to improve knowledge, but simply to distribute a body of knowledge conceived as a fixed asset to be spread around.
Leroy-Beaulieu added a further observation that proved uncannily accurate in the following century:
"In semi-collectivist societies, innovation must come from the free sectors, as it is impossible to innovate in the monopolized sectors of public services. The postal system will not invent the telegraph; the state railway will not invent the automobile. Progress will always come from outside, from the interstices of freedom that the system has not yet managed to fill."
The remuneration of progress in free societies
How, then, is progress rewarded in systems of freedom? The answer is: in several complementary ways. Industrial and commercial profits are the principal form: when an innovative product reaches the market, the innovator, being the first to propose a new solution that satisfies consumer needs better and more cheaply, enjoys a kind of temporary rent.
Guyot identified a second form of remuneration that is easily overlooked: the social prestige accorded to inventors and innovators in free societies, a prestige entirely absent from ancient and despotic societies where the innovator was regarded with suspicion:
"In our age, the name of Watt is as celebrated as that of Wellington; the name of Stephenson is spoken with as much respect as that of any general. This is new. In ancient Egypt, the inventor of a new process was required to submit it to the priests for approval, and the approval was rarely forthcoming. In the guild system of the Middle Ages, the artisan who introduced a new technique was threatened with ruin and sometimes with violence by his fellow craftsmen. Freedom has done this: it has made progress honorable."
In a free society, self-interest leads to innovation and progress. In a system of unfreedom, self-interest is dammed and shattered in favor of a pre-defined social interest. The march of innovation certainly involves many failures, but also many successes, which, in a system of freedom based on contracts and voluntary exchange, lead to that perfectibility of which all the 18th-century liberals spoke.
Quiz
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According to Yves Guyot's analysis of economic liberalism, what primarily motivates inventors to pursue new combinations and solutions?